A new aid regime for Gaza: Humanitarian facade, military core
A US-backed aid scheme staffed by ex-military and private security risks embedding occupation under the guise of humanitarian aid.
A new controversial US-backed initiative, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), has emerged to control the flow of aid into Gaza, sparking concerns that it may serve as a tool to further entrench the Israeli occupation.
This development follows over 70 days of a severe siege that has pushed the territory into catastrophic conditions, with Oxfam’s food security coordinator in Gaza stating that people are starving to death.
The GHF is being presented as a secure and efficient alternative to traditional aid pipelines managed by the UN and other NGOs, which have faced systematic attacks and efforts to dismantle them by Israel. Staffed by US military veterans, former officials, and corporate financiers, the GHF aims to deliver aid to 1.2 million Palestinians through privately secured distribution hubs, with plans to expand to over 2 million.
A closer look at the foundation's presentation documents, however, indicates a different agenda. A statement warning that the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation “contravenes fundamental humanitarian principles and appears designed to reinforce control over life-sustaining items as a pressure tactic — as part of a military strategy” was released by the Humanitarian Country Team of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, which is comprised of a cluster of organizations, each working within a defined area of expertise, including local authorities, NGOs, and UN agencies.
Additionally, the Humanitarian Country Team of the Occupied Palestinian Territory has made their position clear, stating that they will not be participating in any plan that violates the universal humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, independence, and neutrality.
Armored aid hubs and biometric control
The GHF scheme proposes the establishment of four fortified aid hubs within Gaza, each designed to serve approximately 300,000 people and operating under the supervision of private security contractors.
According to the plan, aid convoys will pass through tightly controlled and closely monitored corridors to deliver prepackaged meals, water, and supplies to designated “Secure Distribution Sites.” At these hubs, hundreds of thousands of Gazans will queue to collect aid under the watch of armed guards.
The US Ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, has stated that Israeli troops’ only involvement would be to secure the perimeter of these distribution sites, while private contractors would be responsible for the safety of workers getting into the distribution centers and for the distribution of the food itself. However, the GHF document itself indicates that all movements will be coordinated with the Israeli army and the Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) unit “for access and deconfliction.”
Despite the GHF's assertions in their presented document that aid distribution within the hubs will have “no eligibility requirements” and be “based solely on need,” it has been reported that access to these hubs will require aid recipients to go through biometric screening and facial recognition technology vetting by Israeli soldiers to determine who can pass.
Further reports indicate that Israel's broader plan will only permit 60 aid trucks per day into Gaza, a drastic reduction from the 600 trucks that entered each day during a brief ceasefire earlier this year. OCHA's Jens Laerke said that the proposals from Israel “do not meet the minimum bar for principled humanitarian support.”
A foreign architecture
The GHF is led entirely by US and international actors including several US military and diplomatic officials, with no Palestinian involvement in the leadership or oversight of the project, essentially stripping all local authorities and civil society of any agency.
Formally registered recently in Geneva, the GHF was incorporated with a Swiss lawyer, a US-based legal consultant, and an Armenian financier on its board — none of whom seem to have publicly available experience or any background in humanitarian work.
Logistics, security, and humanitarian principles
The GHF claims its model is designed to be independent, auditable, and free from interference by armed actors or governments. The group’s proposal emphasizes strict commitment to the four pillars of humanitarian work — humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence — as being at the core of the foundation’s operations, stating that their only allegiance is to “those suffering and in need, regardless of their identity or circumstance.”
Supplies will move through “secure humanitarian corridors” using armored vehicles, with perimeter security provided by professionals who previously secured the Netzarim Corridor during the brief ceasefire that took place in January of this year.
The three private security firms that are known to have previously operated in the Netzarim Corridor are UG Solutions, Safe Reach Solutions, and Sentinel Foundation. Jameson Gonolvini is a managing partner of UG Solutions and the cofounder of Sentinel Foundation. He is also a former US Army Special Operations officer. Glenn Devitt is Sentinel’s other founder. He also served in the US Army, but as a military intelligence officer, deploying in both Iraq and Afghanistan. As for Safe Reach Solutions, the company was founded by Philip Reilly, another retired US intelligence officer who served in numerous positions for the CIA, including as the agency’s senior paramilitary officer in Afghanistan.
The proposal states that each secure distribution site may become a staging area for further NGO activity, with the GHF to consider exploring “the possibility of offering safe lodging, showers, restrooms, and operating spaces” for aid organizations that choose to co-locate near them. Long term, they envision “trusted community leaders” being trained to operate inside these systems.
Control and exclusion
Despite describing itself as “neutral,” the GHF’s structure establishes a parallel logistics regime in Gaza. All aid routed through its system must pass through Israeli-approved corridors — Ashdod or Kerem Shalom — and adhere to GHF’s internal tracking, security, and audit protocols. This system bypasses UNRWA, Palestinian NGOs, and long-established aid networks that previously served Gaza’s population.
The GHF's proposal includes a cost breakdown of USD 1.31 per meal: USD 0.58 for procurement and USD 0.67 for logistics, armored transport, security, and administration.
In terms of financing and oversight, the GHF is embedded within elite Western financial infrastructure. It banks with Truist and JP Morgan Chase, plus a Swiss affiliate backed by Goldman Sachs. Deloitte is also mentioned in the discussion for auditing purposes.
A shadow governance project?
The GHF insists it is solely focused on saving lives and presents itself as a pragmatic solution amid a collapsed aid system. However, its structure — staffed by US officials, guarded by private US Army-affiliated contractors, coordinated with the Israeli military, and funded through Western financial networks — represents a total shift in who controls aid to Gaza.
There is no oversight by any local or UN authorities. The aid it distributes flows through systems designed by and for foreign actors — under siege, under surveillance, and under occupation.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has recently described the objective of intensified operations in Gaza as the occupation of the territory and the establishment of a sustained presence. In this context, the GHF’s aid hubs and security apparatus risk becoming not emergency infrastructure, but the scaffolding of a long-term foreign presence dressed in humanitarian language.